Candomblé – Exu: The Divine Messenger

Candomblé is an African religion practiced chiefly in Brazil but also in adjacent countries. The religion came from Africa to Brazil, carried by African priests and adherents who were brought as slaves between 1549 and 1850.

Exu is from the 1977 Brazilian Fontana release called “Candomblé”. The following information on Exu can be found here:

Exu (known as Eleggua in Santeria and Legba in Candomble) is the owner of the roads and doors in this world. He is the repository of ashe. The colors red and black or white and black are his and codify his contradictory nature. In particular, Exu stands at the crossroads of the human and the divine, as he is a child-like messenger between the two worlds. In this role, it is not surprising that he has a very close relationship with the orisha of divination, Orunmila. Nothing can be done in either world without his permission. Exu is always propitiated and always called first before any other orisha as he opens the door between the worlds and opens our roads in life. He recognizes himself and is recognised by the numbers 3 and 21.

Exu, for any of you who are familiar with any earth centered religion, fulfills the role of the divine messenger. Every earth centered tradition that I know of, believes that there is some force in nature, or spiritual presence, or some power that allows humans to communicate with nature and allows nature to communicate with humans. It is the function of translation. The divine messenger translates the language of nature into the language of humans and the language of humans into the language of nature.

The most abstract manifestation of Exu is as it comes into being in the Odu Ose ‘Tura which appears as follows: I IIII II III

This is the symbolic representation of the energy pattern that incarnates Exu. This Odu is used as a magnet to invoke the power of the divine messenger. In Ifá Creation Myth, the eternal rock of creation is called Oyigiyigi. This rock separated into four calabashes of creation. These four calabashes interacted with one another to form sixteen sacred principles called Olu Odu or the primal principles of creation. In Ifá the sacred number seventeen represents the sixteen primal Odu plus Ose’Tura which is the seventeenth Odu of Ifá. This Odu has the function of causing the Olu Odu to copulate generating the two hundred and forty Odu that are generated by the first sixteen Odu. This suggests that Exu, in addition to being the Divine Messenger, is also primal seed of generation.

Ifá is the religious tradition of Yoruba culture. It is the parent religion of all the different spiritual societies, fraternities and sororities that exist within the culture. The reason that Ifá is considered the source of all the other forms of worship within Yoruba culture has to do with the role of Exu and Ose ‘Tura in relationship to the primal Olu Odu. In essence when an Ifá priest is initiated, they invoke the first sixteen Odu, then they invoke Ose’Tura. This is a ritual reenactment of the original moment of the Creation of diversity within the Universe. This ritual event gives the initiate a glimpse of the primal event that generated being as we experience in human life. It is the mystical vision of that event that gives the Prophet Orunmila the praise name “Eleri – ipin” which means “Witness to Creation.”

In addition to being the Divine Messenger, Exu has several other functions. That of a Divine Trickster and that of a Door Opener. Taking them one at a time, should give a broader understanding of Exu as a force in nature:

In the role of Exu as divine trickster, most of the anthropological literature identifies the trickster as a random form of harassment. In some literature Exu is described as an “evil” phenomena and is often translated as the devil. But there is a very sacred function for all tricksters in all traditional cultures. That function is to bring to each one of us the truth that we are all interconnected and inter-related. It is the eternal truth that no one can be totally self reliant. The role of the trickster is to let those who believe that all their problems are covered, that they are a tough guy and will never cry, know that this self perception may not be true. His goal behind his tricks is to create an awareness of inter-relatedness.

This inter-relatedness is not just limited to people. We are dependant on other people to survive in the world and we are dependant on communication with nature to survive in the world. The divine trickster slaps us up side our head when we empty too much garbage in our water. If it is disruptive, we can expect a wake up call from Exu.

The Divine Trickster is not some arbitrary, malevolent force that is out to get you if you don’t behave. That is the Christian “boogy man” model. The divine trickster is a fundamental principle of the structure of reality, based on the idea that if you see an egg that hatches and something comes out with wings, there’s a pretty good chance that its a bird. The universe is not arbitrary.

Exu is also the opener of the doors; the messenger of the gods. He is a great diviner who does not need an oracle to see the future. He owns the keys to all doors, to evil as well as good. He seems to take pleasure in creating compromising situations and trouble between humans but his actions are always justified though he alone knows the true meaning of justice and sees things which are hidden from humanity as well as other Orishas. He can be equally cruel and generous; treacherous, dangerous and capricicious like fate itself.

It is said of Exu that of the Orisha he is both the highest and the lowest, a prince and a pauper who is equally at ease in a palace and a garbage dump. With Oya, he rules over the four winds. He is a great healer and a master magician. His spells and amulets are all powerful and impossible to destroy.

The following information is from wikipedia.org:

Some scholars argue that the [Candomblé] religion is African peoples uniting under similar African practices, making the religion a New World practice instead of a remnant of African practice. The name Batuque is also used, especially before the 19th century when Candomblé became more common. Both words are believed to derive from a Bantu-family language, mainly that of Kongo Kingdom.

Although originally confined to the slave population, banned by the Catholic church, and even criminalized by some governments, Candomblé thrived for over four centuries, and expanded considerably after the end of slavery in late 1800s. It is now a major, established religion, with followers from all social classes and tens of thousands of temples. In recent surveys, about 2 million Brazilians (1.5% of the total population) have declared candomblé as their religion. However, in Brazilian culture, religions are not seen as mutually exclusive, and thus many people of other faiths participate in candomblé rituals regularly or occasionally. Candomblé deities, rituals, and holidays are now an integral part of Brazilian folklore.

Candomblé may be called Macumba in some regions, notably Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, although Macumba has a distinct set of practices more akin to European witchcraft. Candomblé can also be distinguished from Umbanda, a religion founded in the early 20th century by combining African elements with Kardecism; and from similar African-derived religions in other New World countries, such as Haitian Voodoo, Cuban Santería, and Obeah, which developed independently of Candomblé and are virtually unknown in Brazil.

Nations

Brazilian slaves came from a number of ethnic groups, including Igbo, Yoruba, Ewe, Fon, and Bantu. Slave handlers classified them by the shore of embarkment, so the relation to their actual ethnicity may be accurate or not. As the religion developed semi-independently in different regions of the country, among different ethnic groups, it evolved into several “sects” or nations (nações), distinguished chiefly by the set of worshipped deities, as well as the music and language used in the rituals.

The division into nations was also influenced by the religious and beneficent brotherhoods (irmandades) of Brazilian slaves organized by the Catholic Church in the 18th and 19th centuries. These fraternities, organized along ethnic lines to allow preaching in the slaves’ native languages, provided a legitimate cover for slave reunions, and ultimately may have aided the establishment of Candomblé.

Beliefs

Candomblé is a spiritualist religion and worships a number of gods or spirits, derived from African deities:

• the Orishas of Yoruba mythology (Ketu nation), spelled Orixás in Portuguese;
• the Voduns of the Ewe and Fon (Jejé nation); and
• the Nkisis (Minkisi) of the Bantu (Angola nation).
• Tabela Orixas-Voduns-Nkisis

These spirits were created by a supreme God: the Olorun (Olorum) of the Yoruba, Zambi or Zambiapongo of the Bantu, and Nana Buluku of the Fon.

Candomblé deities have individual personalities, skills, and ritual preferences, and are connected to specific natural phenomena (a concept somewhat similar to the Kami of Japanese Shintoism). Every person is chosen at birth by one or more “patron” spirits, identified by a priest. The spirits (except the supreme Olorum) are “incorporated” by priests during Candomblé rites.

Altogether, the various nations of Candomblé retain fifty or so of the hundreds of deities still worshiped in Africa. There are many similarities between some deities of different nations: e.g. Bantu Kabila, Ketu Oxósse and Jejé Otulu are all hunters and have the same symbolic colors. In Candomblé, however, they are considered different deities.

On the other hand, deities from one nation may be cultuated as “guests” in houses and ceremonies of another nation, besides those of the latter. Some nations assign new names to guest spirits, while some retain the names used in the nation of origin.

Syncretism

Over the centuries Candomblé has incorporated many elements from Christianity. Crucifixes are sometimes displayed in candomblé temples, and the African deities were often identified with specific Catholic saints. This syncretism was in part a reaction to Church-inspired persecution by authorities and slave owners, who viewed Candomblé as paganism and witchcraft. Indeed, there are reports of Christian devotional altars being used in early slave houses to hide African cult icons and ritual objects. Even after the end of slavery, the claim that ritual dances of Candomblé were in honor of Catholic saints was often used, by practitioners and authorities alike, as an excuse to avoid confrontation.

However, religious persecution may not be the only reason for Candomblé’s syncretism. While Christians denied the Divine status of the Orixás, there was no reason why believers of Candomblé could not regard Jesus and Christian Saints as being powerful deities.

In this regard, it is worth noting that some Candomblé rites have also incorporated local Native American gods — which, to the Church, were just as pagan as the Orixás — because they were seen as the “Orishas of the land”. Finally, one should keep in mind that many (if not most) practitioners of Candomblé through the times had not only African roots but European ones as well.

Although syncretism still seems to be prevalent, in recent years the lessening of religious and racial prejudices has given rise to a “fundamentalist” movement in Candomblé, that rejects the Christian elements and seeks to recreate a “pure” cult based exclusively in Africa.

Rituals

The candomblé ritual (toque) has two parts: the preparation, attended only by priests and initiates, which may start a week in advance; and a festive public “mass” and banquet that starts in the late evening and ends around midnight.

In the first part, initiates and aides wash and iron the costumes for the ceremony, and decorate the house with paper flags and festoons, in the colors favored by the Orixas that are to be honored on that occasion. They also prepare food for the banquet. Some domestic animals are slaughtered; some parts reserved for sacrifice, the rest is prepared for the banquet. On the day of the ceremony, starting in the early morning, cowrie-shell divinations (jogo de búzios) are performed, and sacrifices are offered to the desired Orixás, and to the messenger spirit (Exú in Ketu).

In the public part of the ceremony, children-of-saint (medianic priests) invoke and “incorporate” Orixás, falling into a trance-like state. After having fallen into trance, the priest-spirits perform dances symbolic of the Orixá’s attributes, while the babalorixá or father of saint (leading male priest) leads songs that celebrate the spirit’s deeds. The ceremony ends with a banquet.

Candomblé music, an essential part of the ritual, derives from African music and has had a strong influence in other popular (non-religious) Brazilian music styles. The word batuque, for instance, has entered the Brazilian vernacular as a synonym of “rhythmic percussion music”.

Temples and priesthood

Ilê Axé Opó AfonjáCandomblé temples are called houses (casas), plantations (roças), or yards (terreiros). Most Candomblé houses are small, independently owned and managed by the respective higher priests (father- or mother-of-saint). A few of the older and larger houses have a more institutional character and more formal hierarchy. There is no central administration.

Candomblé priesthood is organized into symbolic families, whose members are not necessarily relatives in the common sense. Each family owns and manages one house. In most houses, especially the larger ones, the head of the family is always a woman, the mother-of-saint (ialorixá in Ketu), seconded by the father-of-saint (babalorixá). Some houses have a more flexible hierarchy which allows the father-of-saint to be the head priest.

Admission to the priesthood and progression in the hierarchy is conditioned to approval by the Orixás, possession of the necessary qualities, learning the necessary knowledge, and performance of lengthy initiation rites, which last seven years or more.

Upon the death of an ialorixá, the successor is chosen, usually among her daughters, largely by means of divination using consecrated cowrie shells that are considered to be the mouthpieces of the Orixa cowrie shell. However the succession may be very disputed or may fail to find a successor, and often leads to splitting or closing down of the house. Only a handful of houses in Brazil have seen their 100th anniversary. Among the oldest that are still extant are Ilé Axé Iyá Nassô Oká (the “White House at the Old Sugarmill”), in Salvador, Bahia, and the Casa das Minas in São Luís, Maranhão (ca. 1796).